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Thursday, August 5, 2010

Boomalli – it’s a NSW thing

Boomalli Art Gallery has a history similar to that of a political party – its members and supporters have changed many times and while the message is still the same the means of communicating has changed numerous times and needs to change again.  Boomalli was a foundational moment in the history of Aboriginal self determination that saw a group of artists became a gallery, then become a company, and then become nothing – a victim of its successes and a champion of its failures. 

Several people deserve some credit but Fiona Foley should be duly credited with being the driving force of the creation of the Boomalli art gallery as a permanent exhibition space for Sydney based Aboriginal artists.  Foley, along with Fernanda Martin, Michael Riley, Avril Quaill, Jeffrey Samuels and Aarone (Raymond) Meeks had all studied tertiary level visual arts and had a very important message to deliver to the Sydney commercial art galleries.

“Fuck off”

The Boomalli founding members were artists who had sensed a passive aggression from sectors of the commercial art industry that did not believe that Aboriginal people who did not live in remote communities could tell them anything about Aboriginal culture that they did not already know.  In 1987 the experiences of Aboriginal people who had lived in capital cities (in many cases for several generations) were thought to be trivial compared to the exotic, noble savage, dreamtime expectations of academics and international visitors to Australia. 

In its first year the artist membership increased to 10 with Bronwyn Bancroft, Brenda Croft, Tracey Moffatt and Euphemia Bostock adding a new dimension to the original concept of the organisation which moved from an exhibition space for painting, printmaking and sculpture towards curatorial, community engaged artistic practices that represented issues that were at the Heart of the Aboriginal social and political struggles of the times.  Black deaths in custody, the stolen generations, equality in access to housing, healthcare and education are in many instances issues still being raised today. In the exhibition program from 1988 – 1998 these themes loom large in the artworks and exhibitions that took place in the galleries base in Redfern/Chippendale.

That an art gallery could also act as a political instrument by community members was quite radical in that not many commercial galleries would last more than four years if they were closely aligned with the political parties of the day.  The clash between Aboriginal political representation and the need for government funding to operate a community organisation is at the heart of the current malaise that the organisation exists in where the choice between two evils is no choice at all.

The representation of Aboriginal culture is the primary issue that has defined the success and failures of the Boomalli Aboriginal Artists Co-operative.  Aboriginality is as diverse as any Aboriginal person says it is.  The problems occur when non Aboriginal people speak on behalf of Aboriginal people that they do not know and especially when they profit financially from the intellectual property of an Aboriginal person or community. 

Boomalli can’t be everything to everybody, the divide between community arts and fine arts is necessarily large and transforms into something different as soon as it is defined.  For an Aboriginal community centre to exist in Sydney it needs to be able to represent the experiences of Aboriginal people in their own words or images.  It is against the spirit of the foundational concept of Boomalli for non-Aboriginal non- participants to define its history. 

The community activism curatorial agenda marked a new direction for the gallery that was to have devastating consequences for the organisation when its success showed a need for increased government support and funding.

The financial operations of the gallery in its first inception were small – it was a $5000 grant by the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Arts board in 1987 that allowed for the rental of the first premises in Marr st and it was expected that all members would help out with the installing of exhibitions and volunteer time to work at the reception and assist with sales etc.

Increased professionalism required the incorporation of the gallery as a company and the employment of a full time curator Hetti Perkins allowed the organisation to be as accountable  as any other commercial gallery in Sydney.  Many commercial galleries were jealous of the legitimacy of an aboriginal owned and operated art gallery as the most direct way to make a sale is for buyers to trust that the artist  they want to support is receiving.

By 2002 when Boomalli moved into the Leichhardt premiss that it now occupies it sometimes had up to 4 full time staff members and the delivery of service to members and audiences was at its peak.  Unfortunately the main problem that is the cause of its current economic downturn is that has never owned a premises from which it could operate from.  Why a certain other Sydney based Aboriginal organisation would deny Boomalli the right to own the Leichhardt premises is hard to comprehend.  In  a strange parallel to the Aboriginal land rights cause that so many of its exhibitions have championed, the native title of incorporation does nothing but allow for a welfare model of patronage to be the main way for the organisation to secure operational funding from state and federal arts funding bodies.

Many of the people involved in Boomalli over the years have differing points of view and Divisions among some of the founding members have grown over the past 23 years and are no different to differences of opinion that exist in any artistic community in Australia.  Some of Boomalli’s harshest critics are members of the Aboriginal community who feel that the gallery is being white anted by non Aboriginal agendas. 

During 2005 – 2009 proposed changes to the structure of the board to allow non Aboriginal people to act on the board were opposed by members and directors who thought that Aboriginal owned and operated means just that - Aboriginal owned and operated

Being Aboriginal owned and operated is the legitimacy that allows Aboriginal people who are unsure about the Aboriginal art industry to look to trusted and respected Aboriginal community members for information about what exactly is Aboriginal art.

The need for community support of the organisation has caused numerous issues as to the quality of the exhibition program and the ever present lure of escaping the welfare cycle that many artists are forced to live in will inevitably ensure people who are not artists will make decisions about what is good art.

With the plethora of “arts” events that are associated with NAIDOC week across the state growing each year it is interesting to have a look at the history of the Boomalli gallery as in many ways it was ahead of its time in bringing new and modern ideas of Aboriginal cultural engagement that were not paternalistic or sanitised versions of what non Aboriginal people wanted Aboriginal people to be.

Boomalli is more than an art gallery, it is a concept – why else would shameless self promoters highlight their involvement with Boomalli in their biographies even when they haven’t set foot in the gallery in ages.

In the 1980’s Aboriginal artists were still thought to be bark painters living in remote communities, the reality for many Aboriginal people was far from this and was not so easily defined. The legacies of insensitive and cruel government intervention and control of the lives of Aboriginal people is a very real reality for many generations of Aboriginal people and although 1967 was officially the year that Aboriginal people were “allowed” to be recognised by the government of the day as Human beings change did not occur automatically or even at all for many Aboriginal people.

The Tent embassy founded in 1972 was a result of nothing changing for Aboriginal people for 5 years after the referendum and was one of the first occasions where Aboriginal people had used the media coverage of their political ideologies to their advantage.

Here's hoping that 5 years after the apology to the stolen generation a new political agendas will occupy our next generation of artists and we can once and for all be done with the history wars of the conservative Howard government era.

Aboriginal art did not evolve as a niche market within modernist art history as some would like to believe.  Artists such as Margaret Preston was very aware of the aesthetic significance of Aboriginal cultural artefacts and the most commercially successful art of this era was the bush scene landscape (In both representational and abstract art) essentially the most popular Australian modernist artworks were paintings of the lands where the stereotype of the Aborigine were supposed to exist, but not to be seen.

Several commercial art galleries had started to make a very lucrative income stream through matching “authentic” aboriginal art to well educated collectors. In the 1950’s when Albert Namatjira’s watercolours first came to prominence in the consciousness of Australia, the political landscape of Aboriginal Australia was well under-way and ready for the increase of Aboriginal involvement in Australian cultural industries.   

It is no surprise that that when the world’s attention is focused on Australia as it was in 1988 (bicentenary) and 2000 (Olympics) that the genuineness of Aboriginal culture is supported by all sides of government yet domestically no political leader goes near an Aboriginal issue without a clearly defined exit strategy.

These two events created a gold rush of Aboriginal art and crafts that saw some Aboriginal artists rewarded but mostly fuelled resentment among aboriginal community members as to why people were so into this art stuff when for the most part of their lives they or their family had been deliberately excluded from the art and cultural industries in Australia.

The idea of Aboriginality being a unique selling point has long been in development, in the 19th century several museums in Europe and America had extensive collections of artefacts and even human body parts that were used as instructional tools on the evolution of mankind.  Looking at the permanent collections of several prominent museums it is fascinating to wonder what it was they were actually looking for in collecting these artefacts – with 20/20 hindsight it is easy to see the racism that permeated scientific and academic thinking of the times yet the people who documented and recorded Aboriginal culture have left legacies that have been reworked by Aboriginal people today into political tools to argue for the increased support for legal and social agendas.  In some cases to reclaim culture that was believed to be lost and to reproduce artistic styles or dance movements and ceremonial protocols in ways that were unimagined before 1980

Sydney and Melbourne have long been separated from the myth of the Australian outback, and the idea of Aboriginal people living in cities was hard for many to understand.  To be “Aboriginal” was to be outside of the progressive real world that Australia wanted to embody.  Aboriginal people were depicted as fringe dwellers prior to 1967 they were forced to live in missions and reserves and were subject to constant harassment from police and the welfare authorities.

Anthropological and ethnographic disciplines had very different ideas to commercial art galleries as to what was being represented in the art of Aboriginal people and were surprised that audiences were paying significant sums of money for the visual beauty of an artwork – not for the scientific information that it provided. 

The ethnographic context of Aboriginal art puts rock art in the same category as prehistoric art that can be seen in Europe, Africa and America, however the cultures that created the international versions of prehistoric art had long been displaced and very few cultures lived in such close proximity to the evidence of their millennial occupation of many places that Australian Aboriginal people did.

A gold rush mentality was still attached to many get rich quick schemes of the 1980’s and the art market was no different.  It’s frightening to imagine how much money has been made by non Indigenous people selling Aboriginal inspired souvenirs and trinkets without any regard for the poverty of the people that they are misrepresenting. 

The Australian Aboriginal souvenir trade is no different to a photographer taking photos of homeless people and selling them for large sums of money.  It is not ethical to represent other people or other cultures in ways that humiliate or objectify the subjects as anything other than who they really are. 

Ironically it is this souvenir market that was first used by missionaries and later by Aboriginal such as Bill Onus to create a financial income for Aboriginal people to produce products

Artists such as Tracey Moffatt, Gordon Bennett and Brook Andrew confound these stereotypes of what is an Aboriginal artist through making art that does not look Aboriginal.  Their artworks are equal to any other artist practicing and pose strong arguments for judging an artwork on its artistic merits rather than on the ethnicity of the artist. 

This example does not occur at the community art level though – when a local council wants to celebrate Aboriginal culture the event needs to look Aboriginal – with traditional dancer’s, elders providing thoughtful insights and the fair skinned Aboriginal people either standing in the background or  covering their fairness with white clay and red headbands 

As artist Joe Hurst has aptly put it

“The Hello dance and the Goodbye dance are essentially the same – just wave your hands at the audience and walk in a slow unusual manner – there is nothing spiritual in these ‘ceremonial’ performances”

The days of sympathy for the poverty that Aboriginal communities exist in need to come to an end and serious questions need to be asked about the divide between Aboriginal Australia and mainstream Australia that still exist today.  To purchase a piece of Aboriginal art as an act of atonement for the cruelty of previous generations supports a welfare mentality that locks Aboriginal people into cycles of poverty that prevent them from taking for granted the freedoms that all Australians are supposed to share.  

Australians like to think that they have a better understanding of what really happened to Aboriginal people in NSW but this is rarely discussed in ways that are publicly accountable.  Boomalli is one of the few community organisations to have the power and legitimacy to make these changes – it is crucial that the organisation adapt to an openly accountable administration system.  This does not mean that anyone can walk in off the street and demand change but  there needs to be processes in place to allow greater engagement between the Aboriginal community and the audiences who genuinely want to contribute something to the fabric of true cultural engagement in contemporary Australia. 

If Aboriginal art is now entering a ‘post political’ era as some have commented then the political must change from the personal to the community oriented.  Once again it is remote art centres that are educating the Cities, not the other way around as many would like to believe.  

Interventionism

                                
                               Dianne Jones "Shearing the rams" 2002




My proposal is that Aboriginal art has itself been an intervention into Australian art history.  The reasons for this intervention are both historical and political however the main focus of much writing about this process have been too focused on the economic outcomes of this process without acknowledging the profound cultural shift that this has entailed and how the intervention of Aboriginal culture into Australian art history.


Between 1980 and 2000 federal and state Australian governments departments have proactively provided funding for the development of community art centers in regional in Australia primarily in areas where large populations of Aboriginal people live.  These centers were created on the basis of creating economic outcomes for communities rather than economic outcomes for individuals. 


Many Aboriginal people who do not live in remote art centers have challenged the presumptions of this process and the label of Urban Aboriginal art has sometimes been accepted and rejected by Aboriginal people.


If the personal is political what does this mean when the art that is being produced in remote art centres is government funded?


The positive experiences of remote regionally based artists having their own visual language to record and document local knowledge and their own first person account of their own history in a symbolic language that is protocol based has been one of the few positive examples to emerge from decades of government interventions into Aboriginal communities.  


In an international art historical context Interventionism can be both a visual aesthetic and curatorial strategy that manipulates pre-existing structures of representation and presentation of art. Over the past three decades post modern and post colonial aspects of many Australian museums and galleries exhibition programs have strategically positioned Aboriginal art as separate from Australian art. 


Interventionism is most often a political, economic or medical term that applies to the external influence of a situation to produce better outcomes and sadly it is no surprise that Aboriginal people today are still subjected to an intervention by the Australian federal government in order to improve international perceptions of obvious Aboriginal disadvantage.


The northern territory intervention that has been in place since 2007 and has been openly supported by both sides of government has not changed anything in the day to day lives of the Aboriginal people that it is meant to change. 


Numbers of non Aboriginal Australian farmers living in remote areas are comparatively the same size to the Aboriginal populations living in remote areas yet they are still treated very differently to Aboriginal people living in remote communities and contrary to popular opinion receive much less financial support from the government.


Welfare quarantining, accusations of squandering taxpayer money on alcohol, drugs and pornography used to enact the intervention on Aboriginal people belie a deeper racism that still exists in the Australian community in regards to the government’s responsibility to provide basic services for Aboriginal people in remote areas and perceptions of corruption leveled against Aboriginal organisations and communities.


In 2006 the Australian wheat board gave US$222 million dollars to Sadam Hussein’s government during a time when Australia was at war with Iraq in order to break trade sanctions that were affecting Australian farmers.  Australian Farmers were not blamed or punished for these massive failures of government to protect their interests so why are Aboriginal people in remote communities being subjected to draconian penalties that have been resisted when proposed to be applied to non Aboriginal families living in similar social circumstances in other areas of Australia?


The apology to the stolen generations was simply correcting the mistakes of the previous government – it was not a new initiative of the 2007 Labor party and the same governments decision to carry on with the suspension of the racial discrimination act and to continue the previous governments “intervention” shows a fundamental lack of originality in their approach to Indigenous affairs.


Intervention can be seen most clearly in installation art where the artist as aware of the social and political construct of the gallery or museum space their work is being exhibited in.  The pro active inclusion of contemporary art produced by Aboriginal people acted as a counter point and an institutional critique to the not insignificant Australian art historical cannon. 


It has only been within the last 30 years that Aboriginal art has been taken out of a sterile ethnographic museum context and recognized as an aesthetic and cultural expression as unique as the landscape that it often depicts.  Australian Aboriginal arts international recognition and reception provides the first of hopefully many new genres of categorizing Australian art history.


The interdisciplinary nature of contemporary art especially in relation to exhibitions, theatrical productions and new historical narratives can create a platform for Aboriginal people with limited exposure to educational and training opportunities in the arts to contribute to the cultural legitimacy of government funded arts opportunities for all Australians. 


It could be said the development of Aboriginal art has itself been an intervention into Australian art history through its overwhelming commercial success and positive critical reception among academic and federal arts funding sources.


Many of the social initiatives such as the Aboriginal legal and medical services were interventionist strategies by Aboriginal community members that had seen to be effective from international black power movement in the United States and South Africa. 


There is a tendency to separate the history of Australia from the history of Aboriginal people but the role that Aboriginal people played in the shaping of all aspects of this nation is crucial to understanding many of the disputes over land rights through historical accounts and records that exist today.


This is an exhibition of New South Wales based Aboriginal artists who are directly intervening or whose work itself is an intervention into expectations of what Aboriginal people can say about the Northern Territory intervention.  NSW Aboriginal people are silenced from speaking about issues affecting Aboriginal people in the Remote Australia through respect for Aboriginal protocols in relation to the representation of cultural information from particular areas. 


This exhibition presents artworks that are directly responsive to the fact that intervention affects all Australians and that if an intervention is at all necessary it is into the short sighted and paternalistic approach that is always applied to issues regarding Aboriginal people who choose to live in remote communities.

Wednesday, July 21, 2010

new transnational histories for 21st century Australians

“one of the many tragedies of race relations in Australia is our failure to accord any space to the stories of people of colour who were not Aboriginal, especially those from the African diaspora. How much richer and more complex our national definition would be if we could encompass the multi-ethnic diversity of our colonial past.”

1500 - 1876

Macassen fishermen (Indonesia -  Northern Territory)

Makassan traders began trading with the indigenous people of the Northern Territory for trepang from at least the 18th century onwards, and very likely for 300 years prior to that.  Evidence for this can be seen in rock art depicting fisherman and their ships in sacred art sites of the coastal Arnhem land region.  Makassar is also a major fishing center in Sulawesi. One of its major industries is the trepang (sea cucumber) industry. Trepang fishing brought the Makassan people into contact with the YolÅ‹u people of Northern Australia.

C. C. MacKnight in his 1976 work entitled Voyage to Marege: Macassan Trepangers in Northern Australia has shown that they began frequenting the north of Australia some time around 1700 in search of trepang (sea-slug, sea cucumber, Beche-de-mer) an edible Holothurian. They left their waters during the North-west Monsoon in December or January for what is now Arnhem Land, Marege or Marega and to the Kimberley region or Kayu Djawa. They returned home with the South-east Trades in April. A fleet of between 24 and 26 Macassan prahus was seen in 1803 by the French explorers under Nicolas Baudin on the Holothuria Banks in the Timor Sea. In February 1803, Matthew Flinders in the Investigator met six prahus with 20-25 men each on board and was told that there were 60 prahus then on the north Australian coast. They were fishing for trepang and appeared to have only a small compass as a navigation aid. In June 1818 Macassan trepang fishing was noted by Phillip Parker King in the vicinity of Port Essington in the Arafura Sea. In 1864 R.J. Sholl, then resident magistrate for the European settlement at Camden Sound (near Augustus Island in the Kimberley region) observed seven ‘Macassan’ prahus with around 300 men on board. He believed that they made kidnapping raids and ranged as far south as Roebuck Bay (later Broome) where ‘quite a fleet’ was seen around 1866. Sholl believed that they did not venture south into other areas such as Nickol Bay (where the European pearling industry commenced around 1865) due to the absence of trepang in those waters. The Macassan voyages appear to have ceased sometime in the late nineteenth century and their place was taken by other sailors operating from elsewhere in the Indonesian Archipelago.



The Macleay Museum art collection has several examples of bark paintings that reference this knowledge


1606 

(Portugal - Cape York)

Louis Vaez de Torres and his ships San Pedro and Los Tres Reyes that sailed through Torres Strait

1606 

(Dutch - Cape York)

In early 1606 Janszoon encountered and then charted the shores of Australia's Cape York Peninsula. The ship made landfall at the Pennefather River in the Gulf of Carpentaria. This was the first authenticated landing on Australian soil and for the first time all the inhabited continents of the world were known to the European science of geography. Janszoon is thus credited with the first authenticated European discovery of Australia. The ship sailed back to Bantam.

1771

(English - East coast Australia)

Captain James Cook encounters the east coast of Australia


January 26 1788

(English - East Coast Australia)

Through brute force and sheer will power the English colonisation of Australia displaced and transformed the Aboriginal categories of social structure, language and territoriality.  The Australian colonization was the result of tried and tested techniques that had been implemented by imperial representatives in the America, Canada, India, and several African Nations.

Between 1788 and 1850 the English sent over 162,000 convicts to Australia in 806 ships. Interestingly African Americans were among the members of these first settlers to Australia – some being sent from the Americas to England for siding with the british in the

Non English people who were part of the first convict arrivals in Australia

West India Caribbean colonies of the United Kingdom

Born in the West Indies, John Caesar fled to England to escape plantation slavery. Ironically, he soon found himself transported to Australia on the first fleet where he once more faced a life of slavery.  A huge man, the small rations of the colony compelled him to steal in order to sustain himself. David Collins, the colony's Judge-Advocate, wrote in July 1789:  " This man was always reputed the hardest working convict in the colony; his frame was muscular and well calculated for hard labour; but in his intellects he did not very widely differ from a brute; his appetite was ravenous, for he would in any one day devour the full rations for two days. To gratify this appetite he was compelled to steal from others, and all his thefts were directed to that purpose." (Collins).  On 29 April 1789, Caesar were tried for theft. A fortnight later Caesar, described as "an incorrigibly stubborn black," bolted with some provisions, an iron pot, and a soldier's musket. Garden robberies became frequent.  "Caesar stole a musket ... from Abraham Hand, a marine, and took to the bush. However, any intention he had of living off the land was soon abandoned because of the scarcity of game. Instead, he began prowling around the outskirts of the settlement with a loaded musket, stealing what food he could find. On May 26 he narrowly escaped capture after he had helped himself to the rations of a gang who were making bricks at Brickfield Hill, and on the night of June 6 he was caught by a convict named Wm. Saltmarsh while attempting to steal some food from the house of the colony's assistant commissary for stores, Zachariah Clark."

Records show that there were around 12 African American people in the first fleet – in other cases African Americans were treated very differently to Aboriginal people and worked in distinguished positions.


January 29 1788

France - East Coast of Australia

La Perouse was named after the French navigator Jean François de Galaup de Lapérouse [1] (1741-88), who landed on the northern shore of Botany Bay west of Bare Island in January 1788 only days after the first fleet of convicts arrived in Australia . King Louis XVI of France had commissioned Lapérouse to explore the Pacific (L’expédition de Lapérouse, 1785-1788, réplique française au voyage de Cook [2]). In April 1770 Cooks expedition had sailed onto the east coast of Australia whilst exploring the south Pacific searching for Terra Australis or ‘Land of the South’. Upon King Louis XVI's orders, Lapérouse departed Brest, France, in command of L’Astrolabe and La Boussole on 1 August 1785 on a scientific voyage of the Pacific Inspired by the voyages of Cook. La Perouse in Sydney's south is named after the leader of this French expedition.


1851 - 1871

China - New South Wales/Victoria

In 1852 alone, 370,000 immigrants arrived in Australia and the economy of the nation boomed.  The 'rush' was well and truly on. Victoria contributed more than one third of the world's gold output in the 1850s and in just two years the State's population had grown from 77,000 to 540,000!  The number of new arrivals to Australia was greater than the number of convicts who had landed here in the previous seventy years. The total population trebled from 430,000 in 1851 to 1.7 million in 1871.


1860 – 1906

Numerous South Pacific Islands - Queensland/Northern NSW

Pacific Island labourers

Beginning in the 1860s, tens of thousands of Pacific Islanders were brought to Australia as low paid labourers. By the early 1890s, 46,000 labourers had arrived in Queensland, and up to 62,000 labourers arrived in all. Many of these people were forcibly removed from their homes, in a process called "blackbirding", by which Islanders were either kidnapped or deceived into travelling to Australia. They were brought to fuel the growing need for cheap labour in the sugar industry, since white labour was scarce and expensive. The majority of labourers were employed under indentured labour arrangements, whereby they received either no pay or extremely small amounts of pay.  The Act prohibited any Pacific Islanders from entering Australia after 31 March 1904, and required all those entering before then to have a license. During the year 1902, the maximum number of licences that could be issued was limited to three-quarters of the number of Pacific Islanders who left Australia in 1901. During 1903, this license quota lowered even further, to half of the total departures in 1902. Any person who brought a Pacific Islander into the country contrary to the Act could be fined GBP 100.  Any Pacific Islander found in Australia after 31 December 1906 could be deported immediately by order of the Minister for External Affairs, and any Islander found in Australia before that date, who had not been employed under an indentured labour agreement at any time in the preceding month, could be deported immediately. It was an offence to employ a Pacific Islander in any other way than an indentured labour agreement, punishable by a fine of GBP 100. All such agreements were cancelled on December 31 1906
wiki


1875

America - Australia

Civil rights act in the United States - international
Chevert expedition North East Australia, South Pacific, Torres Straits, Papua New Guinea
Port Essington Bark paintings presented to the Linnean society of NSW

1879

Torres Strait annexed by Queensland

The Torres Strait Islanders possess a heritage and cultural history distinct from Aboriginal traditions. The eastern Torres Strait Islanders in particular are related to the Papuan peoples of New Guinea, and speak a Papuan language.[12] Accordingly, they are not generally included under the designation "Aboriginal Australians." This has been another factor in the promotion of the more inclusive term "Indigenous Australians". Six percent of Indigenous Australians identify themselves fully as Torres Strait Islanders. A further 4% of Indigenous Australians identify themselves as having both Torres Strait Islanders and Aboriginal heritage.[13]
The Torres Strait Islands comprise over 100 islands[14] which were annexed by Queensland in 1879.[14] Many Indigenous organisations incorporate the phrase "Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander" to highlight the distinctiveness and importance of Torres Strait Islanders in Australia's Indigenous population.


1901

Federation of Australia
Implementation of the White Australia policy in Australia until 1975
Implementation of the Pacific Island labourers act in Australia until 1906

At this time more Aboriginal people had learned to speak English than English had learned Aboriginal languages.  There are many instances of settlers who had communication abilities to converse with Aboriginal people but this was more often used to displace other Aboriginal people than


1907

African American boxer and hero of the African American community Jack Johnston visits Melbourne and Sydney meets with members of The Aboriginal community Fred Maynard (syd) Trevor Nichols (mel) who go on to found


1914  
international influences on Aboriginal self determination 

Marcus Garvey founds the universal Negro improvement association formed to improve the living conditions of people from the African Diaspora especially 2nd and 3rd generation people descendants of slaves


1937

The Aborigines Progressive Association (APA), an all-Aboriginal body, was formed in New South Wales with Jack Patten as president and Bill Ferguson as secretary.


1938

Day of Mourning protest on Australia Day organised by the APA

1957 
International influences

Anti segregation movement in the United States alerts the world to the overturning of any government legislation that promotes apartheid


1961 – International influences

Freedom rides in the United States protest segregation in the American South


1965

Students for Action on Aborigines including first Aboriginal University graduate Charles Perkins undertake freedom rides across regional NSW


1966

Gurindji strike Aboriginal stockman protest unequal wages in the pastoral industry


1967

Referendum for the equal rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in Australia


1968

Black Power in inner city Sydney movement initiates the Aboriginal legal service (1969) and Aboriginal medical service (1971) in Australia


1972

Tent embassy marks the Aboriginal self determinations’ government model and direct political action by Aboriginal people


1975

End of the white Australia policy implementation


1977

A non-statutory NSW Aboriginal Land Council was established in 1977 as a specialist Aboriginal lobby on land rights. It was formed when over 200 Aboriginal community representatives and individuals met for three days at the Black Theatre in Redfern to discuss land rights.


1988

Bicentenary of Australia re-enacts the colonisation of Australia and the establishment of the British Penal colony in Australia in 1788.


1992

Mabo decision handed down by the High court of Australia revokes the legal fiction of Terra Nullius in Australia and recognises Edie Mabo’s  ownership of land.  Eddie Mabo was from Mer or Murray Island in the Torres Strait, which the famous Mabo decision of 1992 involved.[14]


2008

Apology to the Stolen Generations by the Australian prime minister

General time periods for reference material



General overview of time frames


Prior to 1914

Ethnographic and Anthropological history of subjecting Indigenous peoples to scientific scrutiny and the use of science in creating racial hierarchies between races of people.


1914 – 1945

Aboriginal peoples involvement in both world wars


1950’s

Maralinga nuclear testing in Aboriginal communities, fears of the communist influences in Aboriginal political consciousness, the art of Albert Namatjira.


1960's

Political consciousness and confidence of Aboriginal people informed by international community’s anti apartheid and anti segregationist movements.


1980’s

Strengthening of the Aboriginal self determinationist movement grows as an opposition to the bicentenary galvanises Aboriginal Australians, creative control of artistic and media representations of Aboriginal people, Boomalli, Bangarra, Black Books, Indigenous screen Australia etc


2000’s

Dissolution of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander commission ends government appointed representative body on behalf of Aboriginal affairs,marks the beginning of the history wars in Australia.


2008

Apology to the stolen generations, the Northern Territory intervention begins

Terminologies and definitions

The fluid nature of Aboriginal languages means that there is no unified language shared across all of Australia - there are many instances where words from different language groups have similar meanings.  This list is meant as a basic guide to the terms used throughout these essays


Aboriginal refers to individuals born on the mainland of Australia with direct family lineage to known Aboriginal language groups and nations.

Torres Strait Islander refers to individuals born on the Islands of the 14 islands of the Torres Strait stretching from Thursday Island to the northern most.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander descent refers to individuals with direct family lineage to known Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander language groups and nations not living in the geographic locations of their family heritage.

Indigenous refers to the legal definition of Individuals ethnic origins used in the international context of first nation’s peoples.

Koori (or Koorie) in New South Wales and Victoria (Victorian Aborigines)

Ngunnawal in the Australian Capital Territory and surrounding areas of New South Wales

Murri in Queensland

Murrdi Southwest and Central Queensland

Noongar southern Western Australia

Yamatji in central Western Australia

Wangai in the Western Australian Goldfields

Nunga in southern South Australia

Anangu in northern South Australia, and neighbouring parts of Western Australia and Northern Territory

Yapa in western central Northern Territory

Yolngu in eastern Arnhem Land (NT)

Tiwi on Tiwi Islands off Arnhem Land.

Anindilyakwa on Groote Eylandt off Arnhem Land

Palawah (or Pallawah) in Tasmania.[6]

Australian South Sea Islander refers to descendents of the South Sea Island nations who were brought to Australia between 1840 and 1901 and worked as indentured labourers in Queensland and northern NSW.



notes on Emily paintings at NGV international





Thursday, May 6, 2010

Beth Dean Voyager or voyeur



The Macleay Museum holds over 140 objects in its collection that were personally donated by Beth Dean and her husband Victor Carrel in 1984 during the development of  the exhibition South Pacific Islands.
Beth Deans vocation as a performer and educator of unique dance practices sourced from  diverse parts of the pacific between 1950 – 1970’s is a chronicle of the growth of the knowledge of Indigenous Pacific Island cultural practices in the imagination of modern Australia.

The collection of items donated to the Macleay museum in 1984 spans over 30 years of cultural documentation, performance, authentic costumes and dance practices of Aboriginal, Papua New Guinean and Pacific Island communities.  Some highlights include costume and percussion instruments used by the Cook Island dancers who performed the opening ceremony for the Opera House, a diverse range of musical instruments made with traditional techniques and ceremonial costumes that signify social standing and amazingly skilful fabrication practices of fibres and textiles of the pacific.
The expressive gestural communication that modern dance embraced after the 1950’s echoed movements in the visual arts internationally where abstract expressionism and the influences of primitivism that had came to the visual arts via anthropology and ethnography created new  aestheticisms that reached out into fashion, literature and  popular culture.
In today’s milieu the representation of other cultures without any legitimacy or valid authorization is highly frowned upon and disrespects the living memory of the Indigenous cultures that are meant to be being acknowledged –the most recent case being the  bewilderment expressed by Aboriginal Australians in relation to Russian ice skaters wearing “Indigenous” costumes as part of their Olympic ice skating routine that were based on Aboriginal skin tones and a languid attempt at representing ceremonial body painting. 
Photographer unknown: Beth Dean in the J.C. Williamson production of 'Annie get your gun', 1947
Beth Dean’s first appearance in Australia was in the touring production of “Annie Get Your Gun” ironically playing the character of the expert female sharpshooter who deliberately looses a sharpshooting competition to secure the love of her male rival.  In reality, Dean and her husband and professional Partner Victor Carrel (who was an accomplished opera singer) worked in many productions as senior artistic advisor across Australia and the South Pacific.  One of their greatest accomplishments was their involvement in the inaugural South Pacific arts festival held in 1972.

Australia in the period between 1950 and 1975 produced numerous films, theatrical performances and educational attempts of “exotic” cultural experiences for international and local audiences. The Australian ballet company’s production of “Corroboree” in which Beth Dean was the principal dancer playing the character of a young Aboriginal boy was seriously researched over a number of months by Beth dean who was advised by Sydney Universities A. P. Elkin to visit the communities of Ernabella and Yuendumu.
Conservatism of the western world in the 19th and early 20th century, especially in relation to women’s behaviour and appearance in public was challenged by female performers such as Beth Dean and in an earlier sense Annette Kellerman.  Kellerman  graced the worlds stage as a mermaid in one piece bathing suits that exposed the female body in ways that “offended moral decency”, however from the 1950’s onwards Australian culture was in the process of embracing and creating their own adaptation of “island style” or “surf” culture that was shown in American Gidget and Elvis movies or in the music of the beach boys.  A new youth subculture swept across coastal Australia that was in opposition to the military influenced surf life saving clubs that had existed along the east coast since the popularity of bathing and the internationalisation of the “Australian crawl” – a little acknowledged fact of many early descriptions of Aboriginal people around Sydney Harbour describes their strong swimming abilities.
It is impossible to describe the work of Beth Dean in any single category as her experiences and intentions were as diverse as the cultures that she represented, The collections of Beth Dean are held in numerous institutions in Australia including the Australian National Museum, the NSW Maritime Museum and Screen/Sound Australia.



Trumpet used by Beth Dean during Performances
Macleay Museum

Tuesday, April 6, 2010

NSW Aboriginal language groups links and basic info

this is hardly comprehensive but I will be adding more info as information becomes available

further information about the language group is hyper linked in the underlined language name 

at this stage I have only listed one town that is withibn the boundaries of this language group

for more detailed information regarding contemporary issues and to contact community members contact the local Aboriginal land council representatives


Language                 Current Towns associated with Language group


Anaiwan        Tingha  


Arakwal        Byron Bay


Awabakal     Lake Maquarie, Newcastle


Badjalang     Grafton / Clarence River


Banbai          Wattle Ridge


Baranbinja     Bourke


Baraparapa    Hay, Murrumbidgee River


Birpai            Taree, Hastings Valley , Manning Valley

Barindji         east of the Darling River, Ivanhoe


Barkindji       Willandra lakes


Dainggati       north of the Macleay river, Kempsey


Darkinjang     south of hunter river, Cessnock


Daruk           North Western Sydney


Djiringanj      Merimbula to wallaga lake


Eora               Inner Harbour of Sydney


Gandangara   Napean River western Sydney


Geawegal     Muswellbrook


Jeithi             Jerilderie


Jiegara          Clarence River Grafton


Jitajita           Balranald


Jotijota          Deniliquin


Jukambal      Glen Innes


Kalibal          Murwillumbah


Kamilaroi    North west NSW

Karenggapa  Tibooburra

Kawambarai Dubbo


Kitabal          Tabulam


Kula               Bourke


Kumbainggiri Coffs Harbour


Kureinji          Northrn bank of the Murray River


Kwiambal       Ashford


Maljangapa     Milparinka


Maraura          Wilcannia


Milpulo           Wilcannia


Minjungbal     Wollumbin Mountain


Morowari        Culgoa river


Muthimuthi     Balranald


Nari Nari         Hay


Naualko          Darling River


Ngaku             Macksville


Ngamba          Port Macquarie


Ngarabal         Glenn Innes


Ngarigo           Monaro


Ngemba          South bank darling river


Ngunawal       Monaro tableland


Parundji          Brewarrina


Tharawal        Campbelltown


Thaua             Merimbula


Ualarai           Walgett


Wadikali         Lake Pinaroo


Walbanga        Shoalhaven river


Walgalu         Tumut River


Wandandian  Shoalhaven


Wanjiwalku   Tongo Lake


Weilwan        Cuddie Springs


Wembawemba Booroorban


Weraerai        Inverell


Widjabal        Lismore


Wiljakali        Broken Hill


Wiradjuri       Largest language group in western NSW


Wodi Wodi    Illawarra


Wongaibon    Narromine


Wonnarua     Singleton


Worimi         Port Stephens